BEYOND YOUR DOCTORS OFFICE
NORMAN J CLEMENT RPH., DDS, NORMAN L. CLEMENT PHARM-TECH, MALACHI F. MACKANDAL PHARMD, BELINDA BROWN-PARKER, IN THE SPIRIT OF JOSEPH SOLVO ESQ., INC.T. SPIRIT OF REV. IN THE SPIRIT OF WALTER R. CLEMENT BS., MS, MBA. HARVEY JENKINS MD, PH.D., IN THE SPIRIT OF C.T. VIVIAN, JELANI ZIMBABWE CLEMENT, BS., MBA., IN THE SPIRIT OF THE HON. PATRICE LUMUMBA, IN THE SPIRIT OF ERLIN CLEMENT SR., EVELYN J. CLEMENT, WALTER F. WRENN III., MD., JULIE KILLINGSWORTH, RENEE BLARE, RPH, DR. TERENCE SASAKI, MD LESLY POMPY MD., CHRISTOPHER RUSSO, MD., NANCY SEEFELDT, WILLIE GUINYARD BS., JOSEPH WEBSTER MD., MBA, BEVERLY C. PRINCE MD., FACS., NEIL ARNAND, MD., RICHARD KAUL, MD., LEROY BAYLOR, JAY K. JOSHI MD., MBA, ADRIENNE EDMUNDSON, ESTER HYATT PH.D., WALTER L. SMITH BS., IN THE SPIRIT OF BRAHM FISHER ESQ., MICHELE ALEXANDER MD., CUDJOE WILDING BS, MARTIN NJOKU, BS., RPH., IN THE SPIRIT OF DEBRA LYNN SHEPHERD, BERES E. MUSCHETT, STRATEGIC ADVISORS
BY

Cannibals Cannibalize Capitalism
“Profit From Policing For Profits Against Physicians”
Are you running low on cash? Do you need a License to Steal? Use the enclosed application for The Equitable Sharing Program Guide to apply for easy cash.

You only have to find physicians dealing drugs and turn them over to the local police and prosecutors. The state will turn over the case against the physicians to the Feds. Once the physician takes a plea or is convicted under the Controlled Substance Act, the Feds keep all the physician’s money.
Levine’s proposed is fast-moving, highly readable, and hard-hitting. He tells how the beautiful South American “Queen of Cocaine” seduced the CIA into protecting her from prosecution as she sold drugs to Americans; how CIA-sponsored paramilitary ousted, tortured, and killed members of a pro-DEA Bolivian ruling party; and how the CIA created La Corporacion, the “General Motors of cocaine,” which led directly to the current cocaine/crack epidemic.
THE SCALE AND THE SCOPE OF D.E.A. RUTHLESSNESS A THREAT TO ALL CITIZENS AND BEYOND
SHAKEDOWN CITIZENS U.S. AIRPORTS: CLICK HERE
You get a cut! The police get a cut. Everyone makes capitalist money, just like cannibals eating the meat of doctors. It’s as easy as ABC.” Use the enclosed application. Apply fast before the program disappears.

Source: CNN


Civil Asset Forfeiture does not require criminal charges or criminal convictions.
The standard of proof to seize assets is significantly lower than the standard for criminal charges and convictions; you can cannibalize the healthcare system faster and easier.
Most states and the federal government set “preponderance of the evidence” as the standard of proof for all civil forfeitures. Under preponderance of evidence, you have to show that property is more likely than not connected to a crime.

This is much easier than the criminal standard of “beyond any reasonable doubt. “ You are in good company. Police unions lobby blocked regulations that limit forfeiture laws.
Seized assets and drug arrests have gone up, while drug usage has not. Blue Cross Blue Shield may also help you. Policing for profit, reverse Robin Hood, will be profitable in the near future.
EXHIBIT: 02 DOCUMENT FROM DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE OBTAINED UNDER FOIA REQUEST AUGUST 30, 2024, DEMONSTRATES HFPP (DOJ-DEA) USE OF SUMMARY STATISTICS TO TARGET PROVIDERS

“…As we approach the new millennium, the now 30-year, trillion dollar war on drugs, despite overwhelming evidence of its failure—from treatment on demand and interdiction programs to its street law enforcement and billion dollar ad campaigns— still grinds onward with even bigger budgets, wreaking even more havoc on our Constitution..”



It is all legal. The Equitable Sharing Program says that the Attorney General “shall assure that any property transferred to a State or local law enforcement agency.” (Authorized under Section 881(e)(3) of Title 21).
The Attorney General ensures you will be paid; you cannot lose—a sheep in wolf’s clothing.

Fight Back: A Solution Between Prohibition and Legalization
By Michael Levine
FORMER DEA UNDERCOVER

” The effort expended by the bureaucracy in defending any error is in direct proportion to the size of the error.” – John Nies.

“As we approach the new millennium, the now 30-year, trillion dollar war on drugs, despite overwhelming evidence of its failure—from treatment on demand and interdiction programs to its street law enforcement and billion dollar ad campaigns— still grinds onward with even bigger budgets, wreaking even more havoc on our Constitution and filling our jails with more people than populate some entire countries.1 To say the least, it’s time to try something new. If there is such a thing as the fruits of a 35-year career as an international, federal narcotics officer, trial consultant, and expert witness, then they are found in a program that I developed called The Fight Back Community-Police Anti-Drug Partnership. Someone once said that all new ideas begin as heresy.

However, Fight Back, when first presented in a book published in 1991, was well received. The plan was reviewed by the Swedish Carnegie Institute as “the only drug plan ever to come out of America that made any sense.” It was recommended reading for communities with drug problems by the Clinton Drug Policy Office in 1993. In fact, it showed promise of solving much of our nation’s drug problems, sharply reducing police corruption and brutality as well as greatly increasing police-community harmony. So why, in eight years, has this promising program not even been given a trial run?

Understanding the Fight Back system, how the idea was conceived, and the nature of the obstacles placed in the path of even a modest trial run casts a revealing light on the real reasons why this failed drug war still continues in full force.

To fully understand the evolution of Fight Back, it is important to understand both my personal and professional stake in our national drug problem. In the mid 1980’s when the idea first came to me, I had already compiled more than twenty years as a federal narcotic agent. In that time I was directly credited with more than 3,000 arrests and the seizure of several tons of illegal drugs. 2As a supervisory agent, I had overseen those numbers at least four times.

I had accomplished all of our nations ultimate drug war goals, in that I had engineered the highest level sting operations which successfully penetrated the major drug producing cartels in the world.3 Yet as all of us who took part in these operations observed, all that we had done at the cost of our lives and families had no effect whatsoever on the streets of the nation we had taken an oath to serve and protect.

A series of deep cover cases in the 1980s had placed me, posing undercover as a top-level Mafia don, face to face with the very people controlling a major part of all the raw cocaine produced at that time, La Mafia Cruzeña —the Bolivian cocaine cartel—the suppliers of all the materials the Colombian Cartels converted to cocaine.4

I learned that not only did they not fear our war on drugs, they counted on it to increase market price and to weed out the smaller, inefficient drug dealers. They found US interdiction efforts laughable. The only US action they feared was an effective demand reduction program. On one undercover tape-recorded conversation, a top cartel chief, Jorge Roman, expressed his gratitude for the drug war, calling it “a sham put on for the American taxpayer” that was actually “good for business.”5

Even more dismaying was when I reported Roman’s statements to the DEA officer in command of Operation Snowcap— the paramilitary operations begun in South America which Attorney

General Edwin Meece had promised would reduce the flow of cocaine to America by sixty percent in three years— he sided with the drug trafficker, stating, “We know [the military operations] don’t work, but we sold the plan up and down the Potomac…[Snowcap] is going to succeed, one way or the other, or DEA goes down the tubes.”6

My involvement with family drug problems, if anything, was even more intense than my career exposure. After twenty years on the front lines of the drug war, I was reassigned to New York City as the supervisor of a street enforcement group as a result of a compassionate transfer granted me by the DEA due to my 15-year-old daughter’s cocaine addiction.

My brother David, a heroin addict for 19 years and graduate of six government funded treatment-on-demand programs had already committed suicide in Miami, leaving a note stating “I am sorry…I can’t stand the drugs any longer.”7

FOR NOW, YOU ARE WITHIN
THE NORMS